Hambantota - old fishing harbour & modern seaport
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Hambantota, a district capital on the southeastern coast of Sri Lanka, has evolved from a traditional fishing town to a bustling economic hub in recent years, but in the eastern parts of the town, it has still the charm of a fishing village. The most beautiful view of the bay can be enjoyed from the veranda and park of the former British Resthouse, situated on a hill at the western end of the harbor.
Hambantota is an ideal holiday destination for sun-seekers who also enjoy various wildlife excursions. Immediately west of Hambantota, the stretch of sea turtle beaches extends to Rakawa, and to the east lies the marshland of the bird sanctuary of Bundala National Park, followed closely by the largest and most famous national park in Sri Lanka, Yala. Four kilometers off the coast, a rock reef with a shipwreck can be explored by divers with suitable equipment.
Hambantota became the location for the island's first major wind park. This was part of a development plan, after the 2004 tsunami had almost completely destroyed the city.
Hambantota is an ideal holiday destination for sun-seekers who also enjoy various wildlife excursions. Immediately west of Hambantota, the stretch of sea turtle beaches extends to Rakawa, and to the east lies the marshland of the bird sanctuary of Bundala National Park, followed closely by the largest and most famous national park in Sri Lanka, Yala. Four kilometers off the coast, a rock reef with a shipwreck can be explored by divers with suitable equipment.
Hambantota became the location for the island's first major wind park. This was part of a development plan, after the 2004 tsunami had almost completely destroyed the city.
Location & Climate
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The port city of Hambantota is situated deep within the dry zone. The annual precipitation is less than 1000 mm, only a third of the rainfall in Galle, located 120 km to the west. The region around Hambantota is characterized by dunes and bushland. Instead of coconut palms, the Palmyra palms, also known as Borassus, are predominant in this region, as in the north of the island (Jaffna Peninsula) and in the southeast of India (Tamil Nadu). Palmyra palms, better adapted to greater aridity, were systematically planted in this region only in the mid-20th century to prevent the sand dunes from advancing further inland.
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Hambantota is the capital of the eponymous district, which, with an area of 2600 square kilometers, is much larger in size but significantly smaller in population (about half a million inhabitants) than the other two districts in the Southern Province, Galle and Matara. In the Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa periods, that is, in antiquity and the early and high Middle Ages, the situation was exactly the opposite. The dry east, through artificial irrigation, was the population center of the island’s southern principality called Rohana, while the humid west was a rainforest almost devoid of humans. At that time, the area of the present Hambantota district was the core of Rohana and, along with the Anuradhapura region, the second center of Sinhalese civilization.
Center of Sri Lanka's Malay MUslim Minority
Hambantota and its surroundings are the core area of a Sri Lankan minority much smaller than the Tamils, namely the Muslim Malays. Sometimes it can be read that Malays even constitute the majority in Hambantota. However, this is an exaggeration, as it is challenging to distinguish them from the other Muslim groups, the Moors and Indians, who also live here. This difficulty arises because the Malays, despite having their own language, have switched to speaking the traditional language of Muslim fishermen, a Tamil dialect that includes many Arabic loanwords. (These Arabic words are mainly used for kinship terms and nautical terminology.) The population share of Malays, who actually appear somewhat foreign with their slightly slittedeyes, is estimated to be around one-fourth of the total population in Hambantota. They are well integrated into Sinhalese majority society and usually speak Sinhalese as well.
for more information about Sri Lanka's Muslims and particularly the Malay community please click here...
The largest Muslim population group, the Moors, traditionally disperses among the cities on the east and west coasts, particularly in Beruwela, considered their historical center, as well as in Galle, Colombo, Kalutara, and Puttalam. Moors are especially prevalent on the east coast between Trincomalee and Pottuvil, where they constitute a third of the local population, albeit not significantly more in total numbers than in the west. Over time, the Moors shifted from their traditional trade to agriculture as their main occupation in that region. The Muslims of Hambantota, on the other hand, continue to be primarily traders and fishermen.
The town of Hambantota is said to owe its name to the boats of the Malays. In Sinhalese, as in many Indian languages, the sounds S and H are frequently interchanged. Thus, the Sinhalese place name "Hamban" seems to derive from the name of the Malay Sampan boats. According to legends, the old name of Hambantota was Sampanthurai. "Sampan" is derived from the Malay word for navigator, and "Thurai" is of Tamil origin, meaning "harbor." Another etymological explanation is that "Hamban" was a generic name for Malays, and "thota" was the designation for their landing place. Sinhalese names for the Malala Oya River ("Malay River") or the location Palle-Malala ("Lower Malaya") in the Hambantota area indicate that this region was perceived by the Sinhalese as Malay-dominated. Many Sinhalese in the region also speak the Tamil language of the Malay Muslims or at least understand it.
The relationship between the Malay region and the southeast coast of Sri Lanka has a long history. In the civilizational history of the coastal areas around the Indian Ocean, before the spread of Indian culture into Southeast Asia, there may have been an opposite movement due to the navigational skills of the settlers of the Indonesian archipelago. The small, oceangoing outrigger boats that the Malays mastered are the mentioned „sampans“. For Malay cultures, maritime navigation is integral, while in the Indian culture, it was somewhat disrespected. The earliest contacts over the sea likely originated from Malays, with Indians later penetrating Southeast Asia through the old routes with their literate culture. It is almost certain that the Austronesian languages of the so-called proto-Malay peoples, whose linguistic origin is Taiwan or the nearby Chinese mainland, spread from the Malay Peninsula through the Indian Ocean to Madagascar between the tenth and seventh centuries BCE.
Despite being an island nation, the Sinhalese themselves were never an active seafaring people; instead, they left long-distance trade to the Tamils and later to the Arabs. However, historical evidence suggests that even in ancient times, there were far-distance contacts with Southeast Asia and Indonesia. Buddhist monk delegations were exchanged across the Bay of Bengal, and Malay mercenaries fought in the service of the Sinhalese kings of Kandy.
The main initiators of the settlement of the present Malay minority in Sri Lanka were the Europeans, specifically the Dutch, due to their spice trade in the Moluccas. For the East India trade route of the Dutch in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Sri Lanka was both a strategically important waypoint and an area of supplementary revenue, particularly for cinnamon. With the spice trade, Malays from Dutch East India, present-day Indonesia, came to Sri Lanka as mercenaries, not only for the Dutch themselves, but also for their sometimes allied, sometimes antagonistic Sinhalese cinnamon trade partners, the Kandyan rulers in the highlands and in the east of the island. Additional Malay families immigrated in the 19th century under British colonial rule when both the Malay Peninsula and Ceylon were part of the Empire. These regions were pretty similar regions due to their location in the tropics. Both were crucial, for instance, in breaking the Brazilian rubber monopoly. At that time, Malays were active in long-distance trade. This remains true for the Malay minority in the Colombo area today. However, as trade shifted from the south to the west of the island over time, particular in the era of steam navigation, the Malay provincials in the Hambantota area became simple fishermen. Consequently, Hambantota is now a Malay-Muslim fishing village characterized by a large fleet of fishing boats. Occasionally, you can still see the small Oruwas, also known as Ouros, which operate without fossil fuels. Naturally, Hambantota is a regionally significant fish market. The town's skyline is shaped by mosques in an orientalizing gingerbread style.
The town of Hambantota is said to owe its name to the boats of the Malays. In Sinhalese, as in many Indian languages, the sounds S and H are frequently interchanged. Thus, the Sinhalese place name "Hamban" seems to derive from the name of the Malay Sampan boats. According to legends, the old name of Hambantota was Sampanthurai. "Sampan" is derived from the Malay word for navigator, and "Thurai" is of Tamil origin, meaning "harbor." Another etymological explanation is that "Hamban" was a generic name for Malays, and "thota" was the designation for their landing place. Sinhalese names for the Malala Oya River ("Malay River") or the location Palle-Malala ("Lower Malaya") in the Hambantota area indicate that this region was perceived by the Sinhalese as Malay-dominated. Many Sinhalese in the region also speak the Tamil language of the Malay Muslims or at least understand it.
The relationship between the Malay region and the southeast coast of Sri Lanka has a long history. In the civilizational history of the coastal areas around the Indian Ocean, before the spread of Indian culture into Southeast Asia, there may have been an opposite movement due to the navigational skills of the settlers of the Indonesian archipelago. The small, oceangoing outrigger boats that the Malays mastered are the mentioned „sampans“. For Malay cultures, maritime navigation is integral, while in the Indian culture, it was somewhat disrespected. The earliest contacts over the sea likely originated from Malays, with Indians later penetrating Southeast Asia through the old routes with their literate culture. It is almost certain that the Austronesian languages of the so-called proto-Malay peoples, whose linguistic origin is Taiwan or the nearby Chinese mainland, spread from the Malay Peninsula through the Indian Ocean to Madagascar between the tenth and seventh centuries BCE.
Despite being an island nation, the Sinhalese themselves were never an active seafaring people; instead, they left long-distance trade to the Tamils and later to the Arabs. However, historical evidence suggests that even in ancient times, there were far-distance contacts with Southeast Asia and Indonesia. Buddhist monk delegations were exchanged across the Bay of Bengal, and Malay mercenaries fought in the service of the Sinhalese kings of Kandy.
The main initiators of the settlement of the present Malay minority in Sri Lanka were the Europeans, specifically the Dutch, due to their spice trade in the Moluccas. For the East India trade route of the Dutch in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Sri Lanka was both a strategically important waypoint and an area of supplementary revenue, particularly for cinnamon. With the spice trade, Malays from Dutch East India, present-day Indonesia, came to Sri Lanka as mercenaries, not only for the Dutch themselves, but also for their sometimes allied, sometimes antagonistic Sinhalese cinnamon trade partners, the Kandyan rulers in the highlands and in the east of the island. Additional Malay families immigrated in the 19th century under British colonial rule when both the Malay Peninsula and Ceylon were part of the Empire. These regions were pretty similar regions due to their location in the tropics. Both were crucial, for instance, in breaking the Brazilian rubber monopoly. At that time, Malays were active in long-distance trade. This remains true for the Malay minority in the Colombo area today. However, as trade shifted from the south to the west of the island over time, particular in the era of steam navigation, the Malay provincials in the Hambantota area became simple fishermen. Consequently, Hambantota is now a Malay-Muslim fishing village characterized by a large fleet of fishing boats. Occasionally, you can still see the small Oruwas, also known as Ouros, which operate without fossil fuels. Naturally, Hambantota is a regionally significant fish market. The town's skyline is shaped by mosques in an orientalizing gingerbread style.
Colonial History of Hambantota
The British transformed the Hambantota region and its surroundings into what it economically remains today: the main center of salt production. From here and from Puttalam, the entire island continues to be supplied with table salt even after gaining independence, especially since the salt pans at the Elephant Pass to the Jaffna Peninsula no longer played a role due to the civil war. The annual salt production in Hambantota is 24,000 tons. Salt pans dominate the landscape along the A2 main road east of Hambantota.
At the site of the former Dutch fort, the British constructed the Martello Tower on the top of a rocky promontory at the beginning of the 19th century. It was restored in 1999 and is now connected to a fishing museum. During the British colonial period, it was part of the regional administration under British control, referred to by the Sinhalese as "Kachcheri."
At the site of the former Dutch fort, the British constructed the Martello Tower on the top of a rocky promontory at the beginning of the 19th century. It was restored in 1999 and is now connected to a fishing museum. During the British colonial period, it was part of the regional administration under British control, referred to by the Sinhalese as "Kachcheri."
the author of "village in the jungle" lived in Hambantota, for info click here...
One notable figure in the service of the British colonial administration in the Hambantota District was Leonard Woolf, primarily known today as the husband of the writer Virginia Woolf. However, he also wrote about his own experiences and observations during his time as the Assistant Government Agent from 1908 to 1911 in Hambantota.
Leonard Woolf creatively utilized these experiences in his novel "Village in the Jungle," published in 1913. The novel vividly portrays the lives of impoverished farmers in a (then) malaria-infested region, which the British merely valued as a hunting ground. Woolf was not only a colonial officer and, since 1912, the spouse of a writer and a writer himself, but also a political publicist. He was particularly interested in the topic of international relations, aligning with Woodrow Wilson's cooperative stance, evident in his 1916 publication "International Government" and as the editor of the "International Review" since 1919.
Leonard Woolf creatively utilized these experiences in his novel "Village in the Jungle," published in 1913. The novel vividly portrays the lives of impoverished farmers in a (then) malaria-infested region, which the British merely valued as a hunting ground. Woolf was not only a colonial officer and, since 1912, the spouse of a writer and a writer himself, but also a political publicist. He was particularly interested in the topic of international relations, aligning with Woodrow Wilson's cooperative stance, evident in his 1916 publication "International Government" and as the editor of the "International Review" since 1919.
Boxing Day Tsunami in Hambantota
The devastating tsunami on the second Christmas Day in 2004 severely affected Hambantota in the southwest of the island. The sea is particularly shallow in this area, causing the tidal wave to surge exceptionally high. While the garden of the Resthouse on the hill above the harbor was spared, the downtown area near the beach was not as fortunate. According to official figures, 2,739 people died in the Hambantota District, while locals claim the number was around 10,000. The district capital was leveled to the ground. The tragedy in Hambantota was exacerbated by the fact that the tsunami struck the coastal town at the busiest time on a fish market day, leading to the loss of many residents from the hinterland who had come only for a visit of the market. Since the sea was hardly visible from the market, the wave came as a particularly unexpected surprise. The geological conditions also contributed to intensifying the destructive force of the tsunami. In Hambantota, everything came together to make the catastrophe as terrible as imaginable. The devastating power of a tsunami wave is not primarily determined by its height but rather by its sheer length. It is not a wave that briefly splashes onto the land, rather it continues to roll in full height for minutes, pushing the leading wave front further inland. In reality, almost the entire old Hambantota was washed away at that time, except for the mentioned areas on the hills. The town was nearly wiped out, and the once inhabited site was hardly recognizable. Many tourists in hotels on the outskirts of the town also were among the victims.
Hambantota Seaport of the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative
After the tsunami, Hambantota made headlines for other reasons. Because of Hambantota's location along major international shipping routes, a new deepwater seaport has been developed with Chinese investments and involvement. The port, opened in 2010, is part of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a global infrastructure development strategy. However, the financing turned out to be too burdensome for Sri Lanka. Due to the financial challenges, Sri Lanka handed over control of the port to a Chinese company on a 99-year lease in 2017.
for more information about the recent history of the Hambantota seaport, click here...
Already during the ceasefire in 2004 amid the civil war with Tamil separatists, Japan and the EU offered the Sri Lankan government the complete construction of an artificial port near Hambantota, similar in scale to the Colombo port, in the event of a successful peace agreement. The background for this offer was the fact that the southern coast of Sri Lanka is a focal point for maritime trade. All ships between Europe and the Middle East on one side and the Far East on the other unavoidably pass through this region. The ceasefire was disregarded by the LTTE, and later by the government, and a peace agreement never materialized. Instead, the new government under President Rajapakse opted from the beginning for a strategy (also favoured in the West in other contexts) of militarily defeating terrorists. They did so, however, with even less regard for civilians on one hand but considerably more success than NATO in its "War on Terror" on the other. Therefore, the Western industrial nations did not have to fulfill their promise of investment aid for the Hambantota port. This did not bother the Sri Lankan government much, as a new billion-dollar investor stepped in, one that also shows a much greater understanding for violent solutions to internal conflicts: the People's Republic of China. Hambantota became part of the Chinese "String of Pearls" along the coasts of the Indian Ocean, aimed at securing China's supply of energy resources from the Persian Gulf and raw materials from Africa, as well as facilitating its export of industrial goods to Europe and safeguarding its strategic interests against India. The other port projects in traditionally China-friendly states like Burma and Pakistan are considered similar pearls, especially Gwadar in Pakistan. Since Sri Lanka has increasingly distanced itself from traditional partners in the West and in India, the Rajapakse administration sought new friends in Burma and China, with one of them appearing to be particularly benevolent—at least at first glance. By the way, Hambantota was the electoral district of President Mahinda Rajapaksa, whose ancestral home is north of Tangalle.
The Hambantota Port is officially Magampura Mahinda Rajapaksa Port. The then president brought the Chinese state as an investor into the position of de facto owning the port. Initially, China offered significant financial assistance for the project. The construction of the port was carried out by Chinese companies, and it was officially opened in 2010. However, as Sri Lanka faced difficulties in repaying the loans obtained for the port's construction, a debt-for-equity swap agreement was reached in 2017. Under this agreement, a Chinese state-owned company, China Merchants Port Holdings, took over an 80% stake in the Hambantota Port on a 99-year lease. This arrangement raised concerns and criticisms, both domestically and internationally, regarding issues such as sovereignty, economic dependency, and the strategic implications of a foreign power having control over a crucial maritime asset. The case of Hambantota has sparked debates about the broader implications of Chinese investments under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). While such investments can provide much-needed infrastructure development for recipient countries, concerns have been raised about the debt burden and potential strategic implications. Sri Lanka’s Hambantota experience, in particular, has led to increased scrutiny and discussions about the terms and conditions of BRI projects and their long-term consequences for the countries involved.
The Hambantota Port is officially Magampura Mahinda Rajapaksa Port. The then president brought the Chinese state as an investor into the position of de facto owning the port. Initially, China offered significant financial assistance for the project. The construction of the port was carried out by Chinese companies, and it was officially opened in 2010. However, as Sri Lanka faced difficulties in repaying the loans obtained for the port's construction, a debt-for-equity swap agreement was reached in 2017. Under this agreement, a Chinese state-owned company, China Merchants Port Holdings, took over an 80% stake in the Hambantota Port on a 99-year lease. This arrangement raised concerns and criticisms, both domestically and internationally, regarding issues such as sovereignty, economic dependency, and the strategic implications of a foreign power having control over a crucial maritime asset. The case of Hambantota has sparked debates about the broader implications of Chinese investments under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). While such investments can provide much-needed infrastructure development for recipient countries, concerns have been raised about the debt burden and potential strategic implications. Sri Lanka’s Hambantota experience, in particular, has led to increased scrutiny and discussions about the terms and conditions of BRI projects and their long-term consequences for the countries involved.
Thanks to the new port, the city has undoubtedly witnessed significant development, though the traffic on the newly developed Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport, struggled to attract a significant number of flights and passengers, leading to questions about its economic viability.
What is even more exciting for the locals is a project of great significance in the Indian subcontinent,for Sri Lankans comparable to what is hosting the Olympic Games or the FIFA World Cup for others: Hambantota got a new cricket stadium for the World Championship, that took place in Sri Lanka in 2011. The only passionately pursued national sport overshadows all the aforementioned mega-projects in public perception.The Mahinda Rajapaksa International Cricket Stadium has hosted various international cricket matches ever since.
What is even more exciting for the locals is a project of great significance in the Indian subcontinent,for Sri Lankans comparable to what is hosting the Olympic Games or the FIFA World Cup for others: Hambantota got a new cricket stadium for the World Championship, that took place in Sri Lanka in 2011. The only passionately pursued national sport overshadows all the aforementioned mega-projects in public perception.The Mahinda Rajapaksa International Cricket Stadium has hosted various international cricket matches ever since.
Mirijjawila Botanical Garden for Sri Lanka's Dry Zone
From a touristical perspective, it might be more interesting to mention that one of the new projects related to the economic development plan of Hambantota was the establishment of a botanical garden, which is located in between the port and the airport. It was opened in 2013. It might come as a surprise that this garden is not named after the former president. Among the five botanical gardens of Sri Lanka, the Mirijjawila Botanical Garden of Hambantota is the only one in the dry zone and dedicated to the island’s dry-zone flora, therefore also called „Dry Zone Botanic Gardens Hambanthota“. The land was originally covered with thorny shrubs and abandoned chena cultivation lands. A water tank constructed in the garden premises provide some moisture land. The Mirijjawila Botanical Garden, covering 120 hectares, harbours severeal endemic plant species and Ayurvedic herbs.
